by R.Kaur
Kaurs United Special
Please Do Not Re-Print

The millions of women “missing” from Asian countries like India, China, South Korea, Pakistan, Taiwan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia are gathering attention as population statistics reveal major ratio imbalances between women and men. Although female infanticide has been commonplace for hundreds of years in India, pre-natal sex selection technologies are becoming increasingly accessible and available, thus leading to increasing trends of abortion based on sex (Oomman & Ganatra, 2002). In cultures where men are the preferred sex, including the Indian or Hindu culture, women are unable to take on certain religious roles, and are seen as burdens rather than blessings, because of social customs like dowry. It is important to examine the trends of sex selection and abortion based on sex, as well as female infanticide and the reasons why such practices occur. The desire and preference for male children is present in many Indo-Canadian families, thus, the intentional abortion of female fetuses, spurring from the East, is of local concern, and should be studied, and avoided.

Although the killing of female babies or fetuses may shock some people in the West, it is a practice woven into the history and culture of India. Research reveals that millions of women are “missing” in India (Klassen & Wink, 2002; Rajan, 1996; Gupta, 2005; Croll, 2001), because of female infanticide, sex selective abortion, or eventual death caused by negligence or abandonment. Men are the preferred sex in several countries because they appear to be more financially secure in the long run and are required to take care of their parents in old age. This gives insight into the increasingly large amounts of female fetuses being aborted, and the countless girls left alone to die.

As the former surgeon general of the United States says, “Statistics are people with their tears wiped dry” (Cohen, 2000). There are several accounts of the imbalanced sex ratios between women and men in India in particular, and Asia in general. According to the last Census of India in 2001, there are significantly less surviving girls than boys, where the total number of surviving boys (raised in regular settings) is 385,154,199, in comparison to 343,089,472 girls (Census of India, 2001). In rural settings during 2001, there are said to be 287,785,399 surviving male children, compared to 257,026,492 female children (Ibid). In addition to these statistics, the Census of India has also revealed that in 2001, there were 10,436,903 male births in comparison to a stark 9,450,152 female births, indicating close to 100,000 “missing” girls, within the span of one year. It is easy to assume what happened to these “missing” girls, and speculate that they were perhaps unwanted. The Indian Census of 2001 also reports that for every 1000 males in India, there are 929 females (Cohen, 2000). Such stark differences appear to be worse than many historical accounts of sex ratios, and the future does not look more promising.

In realizing that India’s sex ratios are quite severely imbalanced, it is important to understand why this is happening, or perhaps, where it all began. Tracing back to the 1930s, there is one account of how a midwife discretely killed a newborn baby girl, later declaring the baby stillborn to the family:

“She gave the girl child a few drops of sap from a poisonous plant called auk, put some gur (molasses) in the baby’s mouth and a pooni (raw cotton used to spin thread on a spinning wheel) in her hand and sang the ritual song gur khain pooni kattee, aap na aai veer to ghatee (eat molasses, spin the cotton, don’t come back, send your brother). She then put the infant into an earthen pot and buried it” (Gill, 1998, 25-6).

When asked why infanticide was kept so private and why the women folk supported it, one interviewee, in discussion with Gill (1998), mentions that “daughters are bigana dhan (other’s wealth) who will be taken away after marriage”, and the desire to have sons is necessary for the preservation of the family name (206). Family pride, without a doubt, is one cause for trends of female infanticide. Gill (1998) describes how men from India always tended to take pride in their sons, as people took pity on families that had only daughters. Essentially, male heirs ensure that the family name is preserved and extended into the future, whereas daughters are an extra expense, given away to another family after marriage, taking a hefty sum with them. In some advertisements for sex selective abortion, people are instructed, “spend Rs.400 now and save Rs.40,000 later” (Gill, 1998, 211). Essentially, many have come to believe that investing in a daughter is overly costly and pointless.

In Punjabi or Hindu families living in Canada, dowry may not be as blatant or serious an issue, but “Westernized dowry” can also be seen in families, where the bride’s family purchases expensive gifts like cars or a new house for the couple or groom’s family. According to the Sikh faith, which many Punjabis follow, dowry and female infanticide are completely banned, although many Punjabis who refer to themselves as Sikhs do not align themselves with their religion’s principles of equality between the sexes (Gill, 1998). It is surprising to see that this group goes clearly against its own religious beliefs, revealing that female infanticide is a practice embedded so deeply in the culture of India, that even religious mores of equality are ignored1.

It is clear to see that female infanticide and sex-selective abortion, in the long-run, are causing imbalances in sex ratios throughout India and other countries (“Sex selective abortions: short-term and long-term Perspectives”, 2002 ; “Fight Vs. Female Feticide in India”, 2002). It is vital to examine the consequences of highly imbalanced sex ratios, not just for members of the society in which the feticide is occurring, but also the world-wide, broad implications. Continued abortion of female fetuses will lead to millions of men being unable to find wives, as women become a slowly diminishing species, and this poses serious concerns. Although some argue that women will become more powerful if there are less of them, others feel that the well-being of women will be threatened by this, and that women will have less political power, if there are less of them to vote, for example (“Sex selective abortions: short-term and long-term Perspectives”, 2002). In addition, there are risks of increased violence due to the higher rates of unmarried young
men, and possibly even war because of bride shortage (Ibid). Additionally, the pressures and pains involved in sex-selective abortion, female infanticide, and strong desire for male children does not only influence the parents or the child being killed; it can also have influence on other females in the family or community. One well-known example is of two sisters that felt so unwanted and depressed by their mother’s continual abortion of female fetuses until a son was born, that they hung themselves before the birth of their brother (Rajan, 1996).

Technologies used for sex selection vary and have progressed through time and history, where unwanted girls were once killed after birth by midwives (and are still often left to die, as in China’s “dying rooms”2), and are now killed before birth. As an elderly woman mentions in interview with Gill (1998), “…in the olden days they (people) killed them (girls) as they were born…now they kill them even before they are born” (204). Modern day technologies include amniocentesis, or analysis of amniotic fluid to determine the sex of a child, and ultrasound, or the scanning of a fetus to determine its sex, which is more common nowadays (Oomman & Ganatra, 2002). Ultrasound clinics, being quite easily accessible throughout the world, provide quick and easy sex determination, making pre-natal sex selection quite simple. There are, however, certain clinics that particularly specialize in sex selection, and advertise such technology.

A new test causing uproar within the Indo-Canadian community is available on pregnancy store.com and is known as the Baby Gender Mentor kit. The kit affirms that with a prick-drop of the pregnant woman’s blood, which is sent back to a clinic in the United States, researchers can determine the sex of the fetus, and e-mail it to the parents within 48 hours (Oglivie, 2005; Langton, 2005; Lee, 2005). There is widespread fear over this kit being so readily available, and some are concerned about this kit being used by members of the Indo-Canadian and Chinese-Canadian populations, where sex selection and female infanticide are already problematic. According to Singh (2005), “female activists in the Indo-Canadian community believe the new baby gender test kit could be misused for cultural reasons”, and the threat of this kit spreading is also apparent, and worrying. The CEO of pregnancystore.com, Sherry Bonelli, affirms that the Gender Mentor Kit is the highest selling product on their website (Lee, 2005). Although many people do not consider sex selection to be a threat in the West, the given statistics inspire thought and speculation over how much of a local risk this is, based on such readily accessible technology. With reproductive technology available on the Internet, nearly anyone can pay a few hundred dollars and discover the sex of their child, and in communities where baby girls are not desired, sex selective abortion rates can increase. As a result, more baby girls and female fetuses can be killed, and further discrimination can be implemented against girls.

Another issue of concern involves American ultrasound clinics, specializing in sex determination, that Canadians seem to be turning to. For example, in 1993, a clinic in Blaine specializing in sex selective technology directed its advertisements towards the Indo-Canadian community, through two well-known Indian newspapers, The Link and Sangarsh (Lee, 2005). It is apparently well known that many Asian communities prize male birth over female birth, and this is something that sex selection specialists and some geneticists may choose to take advantage of. Todd (1995) actually affirms that John Stephens, the doctor representing the Blaine clinic, “advertised [in the newspaper] that he would help abort females.” The fact that Stephens directed his advertisements to a community already plagued by female infanticide, abortion of female fetuses, and strong male preference, is very frustrating for people not in support of sex selection. Another such clinic is said to exist in Buffalo, New York, suggesting that Asian Canadian women in Toronto may also look to this clinic, where ultrasounds for sex determination can be held as early as 12 weeks (“The Right Sex”, 1996).

Considering that sex related technologies like the Gender Mentor Kit are available online, or clinics designed for sex selection are becoming more popular with Indo-Canadian couples, threats of sex-selective abortion are not restricted to the East. Patricia Baird (1996) notes that “if reproductive technology is left unregulated by the government, it will become commercialized.” Unfortunately, Baird’s predictions are ecoming a reality in today’s fast-moving and allegedly evolving world.

Hoping to avoid judgment or concentration on discriminatory practices in only one group, it is significant to understand that sex selection technologies are not only of interest to Asian couples, but are also attracting couples of different nationalities. Additionally, many younger generation Indo-Canadian youth do not support the abortion of female fetuses and female infanticide, and will hopefully attempt to reduce the occurrence of these practices. As Singh (2005) affirms, certain attitudes of the Indo-Canadian community have - to some degree - changed over time, although many are still (sometimes without realizing it) in sync with older values of male preference. Community may also play a large role in sex selection and female infanticide trends. Matrika, an Indian woman interviewed by Saini (2002), reveals that her fellow villagers helped her kill her second baby daughter, when she was unable to do it herself:

“For three days, I give no baby milk…Baby cry. Village woman squeeze water from tree, mix with oil, and force down baby throat.”…“The baby have blood from nose and die”… “Neighbors make small hole near house. Baby go in hole.” (27).

Although Matrika originally describes her second girl child as beautiful and healthy, almost referring to her as a blessing, she explains that her neighbours came to see her, and told her to “let it die”, or somehow kill the baby (Saini, 1998, 26). Matrika, like many other women, was laughed at for her small dowry, and feels that if she does not provide a boy child for her husband, her family will be in shame (Ibid). In such ways, community plays a large part in a woman’s decision to abort or kill her female child, even though many women often purposefully and willingly take part in such actions. There is also a threat that newer generation Indo-Canadian couples, in order to maintain synchrony between younger and older generations and uphold their family or community status, may fall into sex-selective abortion trends. Additionally, Stephenson & Tsui (2002) emphasize the influence of community on reproductive health service use, and explain that individual decisions are frequently based on the community in which an individual
lives. Therefore, the concept of community is key in understanding female feticide trends anywhere in the world.

Although the crisis of female infanticide can be examined through several lenses, I choose here to consider it through a philosophical eco-feminist position. In using this approach, it is interesting to consider the basics of what is or is not ethical, and what ethics are rooted in. How much should the human population truly be allowed to control? Should the human population have the power to control what is “natural”, or has the human population gone far beyond its reasonable limits, which is evident, for example, through its highly imbalanced sex ratios?

As Salladay (1997) asserts, “part of responsible ethical thinking involves looking at all sides of any moral dilemma” (22). It is not difficult to understand the pressure that countless women face to abort their female fetuses, and to some of them, the abortion of their fetus may not even appear as an option, but a definite obligation and reality. It is possible that this reality is so commonplace for many women that they become immune to any ethical concerns regarding the abortion of a fetus on the basis of its sex. Many attempt to support their actions or beliefs on the note that “Whatever I believe is right is right for me” (Salladay, 1999, 22), although they may ignore the impact their actions can have on other people (Ibid). Thus, in making ethical considerations on most general issues, it is essential to examine whether one’s own actions influence others in a negative way, or may cause hurt, discomfort, or emotional, mental, or physical pain to any given member of society or the ecosystem. Based on these possible outcomes, one can make their decision and explore whether the end truly justifies the mean, or in this particular case, whether the abortion of female life is worth it, to preserve a family name, social status, or label as a “good” daughter-in-law. Hopefully, many people feel that the preservation of female life is more important in the short and long run, although it is difficult to imagine what one would do in another’s shoes, or in another’s cultural and environmental setting.

In the discussion of deontological and teleological ethics, or the ethics of care versus the ethics of justice (whether one ought to or is willing to act ethically), Schwickert (1999) affirms that both forms of ethics should complement each other. In the exploration of ethical action, Schwickert (1999) essentially believes that if one cannot legitimize his or her actions in the long run, he or she will “fail to succeed in the search for a fulfilled life” (184). This is one reason why ethical consideration is so important, and many women may sadly realize this after having aborted their female babies. Another thought to consider is that many argue about sex selective abortion being a decision to be made by the child’s mother, who should have enough control over her body to be able to abort her child, for any reason. Disregarding the truth or non-truth of this argument, it is important to understand that many women that abort their fetuses based on sex are being pressured to do so from the patriarch in the family, or a society that condemns females (Oomman & Ganatra, 2002, & Verma, 2005). This, quite realistically, does not represent a free choice made by the mother of the deceased fetus - yet, it represents her oppression and the controlling of her body by others.

The American Society of Reproductive Medicine has officially outlined several ethical concerns involved in sex selection, including gender discrimination and oppression, and more seriously, worry over gradual progression towards eugenics (Hollingsworth, 2005). Many theorists are worried that sex selection may lead to parents wanting to control other factors about their children, like intelligence, or physical characteristics, instead of sex alone (Ibid). This returns to the issue of how much control human beings should have over their own bodies, and their own offspring. With the approaching threat of eugenics or living in a world where ideal characteristics are desired and controlled for, it is a good time to consider whether the human race has gone too far in its aiming for perfection, altering what is “natural”, and essentially, getting itself caught in a shrinking net.

In many Indian families, the birth of a boy is celebrated by distributing sweets and congratulating the parents. The birth of a girl, in comparison, is marked by silence in the family, and in my twenty years of existence, I have never seen sweets being distributed on the birth of a girl, nor the fancy celebrations seen on holidays like Lohri, specifically created to celebrate male birth. It is common for mothers to pray for the long lives of their sons, and there are special calendar dates in the Hindu culture to commemorate such auspicious births, although no such celebration is held for female babies. Although many societies have their imperfections, the effects of female infanticide and sex selective abortion are massive and unavoidable. Jaswinder Singh, a spokesperson for the central religious body of the Sikhs admits the high rates of infanticide and abortion in Punjab, and argues, “we don’t have any relations with people who kill girls. The woman is the most precious. She gives life. How can you kill her?” (Fortney, 2005). Female infanticide and preference for male children has long plagued the Indian culture. In a prejudiced society where women are objectified, they are becoming “limited commodities” - and the future will certainly show these trends, without increased education, and efforts towards large, societal reform movements to change the structures of Indian society and attempt to advertise the worth of female babies; the future women of this world.

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References

Baird, P. (1996, November 27). Wombs for rent: If Reproductive Technology is left Unregulated by Government, it will Become Commercialized. The Gazette, pg. B.3.

Census of India. (2001). Retrieved November 22nd, 2005, from www.censusindia.net.

Cohen, A. (2000). Excess Female Mortality in India. American Journal of Public Health, 90(9), 1369-72.

Fight Vs. Female Feticide in India (Datamation Foundation issues warning against abortion of female fetuses in India). (2002, January 6th). We!. Isis International.

Gill, G.K. (1998). Female Feticide as a Contemporary Cultural Practice in the Punjab. Dialectical Anthropology, 23(2), 203-14.

Gender, Morality, and Ethics of Responsibility: Complementing Teleological and Deontological Ethics. (2005). Hypatia, 20(2), 164-88.

Gupta, M.D. (2005). Explaining Asia’s “Missing Women”: A New Look at the Data. Population and Development Review, 31(3), 529.

Haney, D. Q. (1998, February 20). Finding eats at mystery of appetite. The Oregonian, pp. A1, A17.

Hollingsworth, L.D. (2005). Ethical Considerations in Prenatal Sex Selection. Health & Social Work, 30(2), 126-34.

Langton, J. (2005, July 10th). New test finds gender of 5-week-old embryos. The Gazette, pg. A.16.

Lee, J. (2004, August 13th). Official slams ’sex selection’ blood test. The Vancouver Sun, pg. A.1.

Oglivie, M. (2005, July 15th). Pinprick reveals sex in controversial test; Toronto clients want boys, Debate rages over sex selection. Toronto Star, pg. D.03.